Anembiak Latong Rebak Baru

Tabi Basa ngagai semua temuai..... Aku siko ari anembiak dayak rebak baru, ti deka mai semua dayak kemaia ari berunding bakani cara kitai dayak ulih sama taraf enggau bangsa bukai. Kediatu anang kitai silap, bangsa dayak agi tinggal laban bangsa bukai (Cina & Melayu). Ukai salah cina ukai salah laut, laban sida iya maju tegal tuai sida iya perihatin, tegal tuai sida bisi tanggung jawap nyadi pemimpin bangsa sida. Anang nyima ati meda sida maju, tang meh tau nyadi ke chuan teladan kitai dayak ngambi ke kitai "move forward" lalu ulih sama penuduk enggau sida. Piak mega tuai kitai dayak patut berunding bakani cara deka ngangkat ke martabat bangsa diri ari segi ekonomi, kelebih agi ba bangsa dayak dalam bidang "PERTANIAN" enggau cara komersial ti tau ngenatai ke hasil ngagai bangsa dayak tiap bulan. Awak ke bangsa dayak enda suntuk, ulih nyengula ke anak sampai ke peringkat ke tinggi. Ukai enggau mai kompeni besai ngereja tanah dayak enggau tuju "DEVELOPMENT" tauka "PEMANSANG". Nadai maioh dayak untung laban pemansang ti bakanya, laban aku kala meda penyampau terima sida. Kemanah agi tulung dayak ngepun ke dagang sida enggau cara bekebun cara komersial, nya baru project @ pemansang ke amat-amat ulih nulung bangsa iban menua pesisir. Arap ke bala kitai ke anembiak baru ulih enchelak enda agi tinggal penemu terpawah runding baka sida ke tuai kelia. Ukai mai nanah ke pembangkang tauka perintah, ukai mai ngelaban pembangkang tauka perintah. Tang meh mai ngiga jalai mansut ke dayak ari belenggu "KEMISKINAN" tauka ari penyuntuk. Udah kitai dayak ulih niri, negi ke ladang tauka kebun cara komersial ila baru kitai sedar nama reti project atap zink, project jelatung, project nyemin luar jalai rumah. Ukai mantah project, mai kita semua berati ke iya. Lalu kepenudi iya, aram meh kitai dayak rebak baru bela seati. Bela narit bala kitai dayak keluar ari belenggu penyuntuk ngambi ke ulih sama penuduk enggau bangsa bukai. Anembiak Latong Rebak Baru stanleymethew@yahoo.com +60198397752

Saturday, February 26, 2011

Another Leaf Turn In NCR Case

Another Leaf turn In NCR Case


The ongoing native land case has taken another turn with one of those sued naming the lawyer responsible for preparing and witnessing a so-called “Deed of Settlement and Undertaking” between the claimants and the contractor.

The legal battle is between logging contractor Loyal Billion, representing timber licensee Quality Concrete and co-defendant Penghulu Merum Babu in the heated Native Customary Rights (NCR) land case. Loyal Billion named the counsel as Arthur Lee Cheng Chuan.

The ‘deed’, dated last Aug 30, states that local Iban NCR landowners had sold off their land rights for only RM250 per family. Iban villagers from 15 longhouses have denied knowledge of this ‘deed’.

They had lodged 23 police reports on Feb 19, claiming fraud, misrepresentation and cheating in the signing of the Deed.

Another 37 villagers lodged similar police reports in Simunjan on Feb 23 and 24, with more expected when remote villagers reach downriver Simunjan.

These villagers have been blockading the timber access road against Loyal Billion, logging contractor for Quality Concrete Holdings, the holder of the logging licence. Quality Concrete’s significant shareholders include the Sarawak Chief Minister’s family members, his sister Raziah and cousin Hamed Sepawi, among others.

They have moved from the blockade in the hills to the courtroom, claiming the loggers had encroached on their ancestral land. They filed a suit last November in the Kuching High Court, naming Quality Concrete and Loyal Billion as defendants, as well as an Iban Penghulu Merum Babu, another Iban individual, and the Sarawak government.

The communities’ legal action followed unsuccessful appeals to the authorities to protect their land against the loggers.

Numpang Suntai, the lead plaintiff in the civil suit, was later charged with criminal intimidation of Loyal Billion, following the villagers’ blockade of the logging road.

The High Court had granted an interim injunction against the companies on Jan 27, restraining them from logging or working on the contested land.

“Publicity campaign” charge

Tang and Partners Advocates, the legal firm representing the first, second and third defendants – Quality Concrete, Loyal Billion and Penghulu Merum Babu respectively – first presented the contentious ‘Deed of Settlement’ as a court document on Feb 16, arguing the natives had willingly signed away their NCR land.

Loyal Billion director Lau Pong Hui and Pengulu Merum Babu in new affidavits on Feb 21 affirmed that, as advised by their lawyers, they “verily believe that the Deed of Settlement and Undertaking dated 30 August 2010… which was prepared by Mr Arthur Lee Cheng Chuan, an advocate of Messrs Arthur Lee Lin & Co Advocates, is good, proper, lawful and valid in law.”

They also “aver that Mr Arthur Lee Cheng Chuan was a witness to the signatures of the directors of the second Defendant and to the signature of Penghulu of Sungai Sebangan, i.e. Penghulu Merum Babu.”

In the same affidavits by Lau and Penghulu Merum, they argued that “the lodging of police reports by this handful…of 24 persons at this eleventh hour which received a great deal of and widespread media coverage is a publicity campaign to capitalise (on) the NCR issues before the upcoming state election.” Lau’s affidavit included news clipping of three local Chinese Newspapers.

Lau’s and Penghulu Merum’s insinuation of the police reports being a “publicity campaign” appears to have been directed at counsel for the plaintiffs, See Chee How of Messrs Baru Bian Advocates and Solicitors.

Both Baru Bian (right) and See are state PKR leaders, and have been practising as renowned NCR land rights lawyers for over a decade, regardless of any elections.

The villagers said that the first they had heard of the so-called Deed was when the defendants’ lawyer tendered the documents in court on Feb 16, the date when Numpang and the plaintiffs’ counsel were attending to the start of the ‘criminal intimidation’ trial at Simunjan, some two hours’ drive away from Kuching.

The villagers then lodged their police reports on Feb 19, as soon as they had discovered that they were supposed to have signed a deed that sold off their NCR land for only RM250 per family.

“The company’s affidavit claims the lawsuit was politically motivated,” said Numpang, lead plaintiff in the High Court suit.

“Let’s look at this logic. Let’s say you are a victim of cheating, misrepresentation and fraud, and you are supposed to have given up land rights inherited through generations for a measly RM250 per family.

“Does this mean you must not fight for your rights when there is an election around the corner? There is nothing for us to apologise in defending our rights.” concluded Numpang.

The Kuching High Court had set today, Feb 25 for filing of all affidavits, with final submissions by all parties on March 2 for the court’s final decision on March 4 whether the interim injunction will be extended until the conclusion of the NCR land case.

Ulu Niah - Bala Samseng (Apek Bayat) ke dianjung BLD Company Resources

Anembiak Latong Rebak Baru

Ulu Niah- 100iko bala apek bayat ke dianjung siti ari kompeni kelapa sawit (BLD) ka bisi penanggol enggau dua buah rumah panjai, Rh. Ranggong enggau Rumah Belilie datai ngagai letan tanah NCR sida menuanya bebai ka senjata, enggau bom (explosive) dikena sida ngenakut ke bala dua buah rumah panjai nya.
Tuai Apek Bayat Ditangkap Polis

Apek Bayat bangsa iban ke mina nerima bayar RM100 ari company

Bom (Explosive) ke dibai

Beduduk ari tu diak kitai dayak sama nemu pemendar-mendar company serta orang bukai ka ngambi tanah adat kitai baka ke nyadi di Niah tu. Nyau sampai bebai ke senjata kena bebunuh.

Pia mega bala apek bayat tu ngaga langkau (Khemah) ba semak enggau tanah NCR dua buah rumah panjai tu,serta tuju sida tu endang sigi deka nyerang sida dua buah rumah panjai tu.

Khemah alai bala apek bayat

Kompeni BLD tu patut diukum berat ari segi undang-undang, laban ti beguna ke samseng ngeremba orang rumah panjai pia mega bebai ke senjata ti ulih ngenatai ke penusah (Bom/Explosive. Tang nama kebuah mina ketuai samseng aja ti ditangkap tang bala iya bukai diasuh pulai pia aja?
Bakatu meh gaya company, laban ngasai diri kaya bisi duit sepeneka ati deka ngereja tanah adat kitai dayak. Pia mega sida kebisi kaul enggau orang pemesai.
Endang sigi disadang ti sema sida majak beguna ka bala apek bayat mejal bangsa dayak nyerah ke tanah, bisi maia iya ila utai kenyadi di Ulu niah taun 1999 tau nyadi baru. Pia mega ngagai bala apek bayat iban, pikir-pikir meh dulu sebedau nulung bangsa bukai ngerompak tanah dayak.

Ngagai bala sida Rumah Ranggong & Rumah Belilie terus ke ngelaban sida ke deka ngerampas tanah kita. Anang kiruh takut ke apek bayat, takut ke keremba sida. All the best, no pain,no gain....


Anembiak Latong Rebak Baru

Friday, February 25, 2011

Native accuse newspaper of telling Lies

Natives accuse newspaper of telling lies

Anembiak Latong rebak Baru

Increasing cases of armed gangster attacks on natives over land disputes is worrying Sarawak PKR.

KUCHING: Angry residents of Rumah Ranggong in Ulu Niah, who were harassed by armed thugs last week over their native customary rights (NCR) land, have accused a local newspaper of “spinning lies” and portraying them as the “aggressors” in the incident.

The newspaper report headlined “Police finally move to diffuse standoff” allegedly stated that it was the natives who had threatened oil palm company BLD Resources with the use of force.

The report also claimed that the longhouse residents were taking over the BLD estate, illegally harvesting oil palm fruits along the roadside and had seized three tractors in order to harvest more fruits.

The report also claimed that the villagers had allegedly threatened the workers of the company with bodily harm if the company continued to lodge police reports.

Longhouse Security and Development Committee (JKKK) chairman Changgai Anak Dali in a statement condemned the report, calling it a “blatant lie”.

“We want to put the story right. We never seized any tractor… we did not threaten the company.

“It is the company that brought along gangsters who were fully armed with machetes and explosives to intimidate and threaten our people,” Changgai said.

Both BLD Resources and the newspaper are allegedly owned by one Henry Lau.

Land dispute

Changgai said the newspaper report also lied when it said that the longhouse residents, through their trustees, had signed an indemnity with the company for 30% equity in July 2009 when the joint-venture (JV) agreement between BLD, Sarawak Land Development Board (SLDB) and the native landowners of Rumah Ranggong and Rumah Belilie was signed in February 2001.

Explaining the history behind the dispute, Changgai said: “In October 2008, a deed of rescission was signed between SLDB and BLD without our knowledge to rescind the JV agreement because the state government made a mistake in declaring our NCR land as state land.

“Because of this, I was sued by BLD for trespassing on my own land and this triggered our land dispute. We filed a counter suit which is now being heard at the Kuching High Court.

“Last year, we wrote a letter to BLD to demand our land back and also to settle our long overdue dividends from the project, but we received no response. This is when we decided to erect our blockade in January this year.”

He said that the neighbouring residents of Rumah Belilie also erected a blockade to protect against BLD.

Last Friday, about 100 armed gangsters reportedly went to the outskirts of Rumah Ranggong’s NCR boundary and made camps there in an attempt to intimidate the villagers.

A gang leader was arrested and the rest were asked to leave the place by the police.

Increasing cases

Meanwhile, Sarawak PKR chairman Baru Bian has expressed concern over the use of gangsters by certain companies to harass and intimidate natives.

“There were two very disturbing incidents last week – one in Meluan where a father and son were battered by gangsters in the area and the second one about Rumah Ranggong and Rumah Belilie last Saturday.

“In the second incident, it is disturbing to note that dangerous explosives were used. These were left on the ground by the gangsters. Police arrested the leader.

“But in the Meluan incident, so far no gangsters have been arrested and ironically the father and son who were battered were arrested,” said Bian, a prominent NCR lawyer.

Bian urged the police to take the cases seriously.

“We plead with the police to take these cases seriously and to carry out their investigations promptly.

“I urge the police to be neutral in carrying out their duties as they are the guardians of the people,” he said.

He added that there had been cases where police had been against the natives.

“Two months ago, we won a case in Kapit against wrongful arrest. There are a few more cases including one pending in Miri against unlawful arrest,” he said.

Taken from Free Malaysia Today.

Bashed by Logger, Remanded by Police

Bashed by loggers, remanded by police.


A routine check for illegal logging by a Sarawak NCR landowner landed him in police custody.

SARIKEI: Minggat anak Nyakin, who has a parcel of NCR land at Sungai Rotan and Sungai Penyaru Kuba (Kiba) Sarikei, found out the hard and painful way that standing up for his rights is no easy task and could cost him his life.

Lying in Sarekei Hospital after being viciously attacked while checking on alleged illegal logging activity on his NCR land, Mingat has to now deal with being under police remand for trespassing.

Said Ngumbang Anak Barau of the Tahabas (native landowners Network): “Not only was he (Mingat) badly beaten up, he was also arrested by the police.

“Mingat and his son Juan went to their land to check on illegal logging. When they found out there was still logging going on, they tried to talk to the manager but instead were attacked.”

According to Ngumbang, the incident occurred on Feb 14.

In December 2010, Mingat reported alleged illegal logging over his land to the police, the Land and Survey Department as well as the Public Works Department and called for an investigation.

On the day of the incident, Mingat and Juan had decided to check on the situation. Upon finding continued logging activity, they decided to drop in at the log-pond and tried negotiating for compensation with its manager.

The negotiation went sour and before Minggat and his son could leave the office building, they were attacked viciously at its footsteps.

“Although badly hurt, his son managed to escape in the darkness towards a nearby oil palm plantation, while his father was left in an unconscious state at the footsteps of the log-pond manager’s office.

“Regardless of any wrongdoings or crimes that Minggat or his son may have committed, the source of the problem has yet to be investigated satisfactorily by the authorities.

“Minggat’s family agrees that Minggat should be fairly investigated, and so does the timber company that has been operating for many years on NCR lands allegedly without a relevant or valid licence.

“The alleged illegal logging seems to be proceeding unhindered thus far.

“A police report has been lodged by Minggat’s wife on Feb 16 regarding the attack. The attackers have not been arrested,” he said.

“The name of the timber company which owns the log-pond remains unknown to the rest of us, while there is no telling when investigations will be made on Minggat and his son’s attackers.

“What is certain is that Minggat and Juan will remain hospitalised for a few more days or even weeks.

“Today, their pains are too debilitating for them to even ponder what they will do next.” Ngumbang added.

Friday, February 18, 2011

Tanah Adat Bansa Dayak (NCR)

Pengawa Besukat Ketanah Adat enggau Penanggul

Kena 19th Dec 2011, tu kemari Borneo Post Online bisi ngayan ke berita bekaul enggau pekara besukat ke tanah Adat Bansa Asal (NCR).Ti bisi nyebut dikembuan kurang lebih 3,329 iko bansa Kayan,Kenyah (Dayak)di Long Aton,Tinjar enggau pemesai 1,207 hektar.Pemesai tanah enggau survey (JTS) madah deka besukat ke tanah Adat Bansa Dayak ngena cara Inisiatif Baru NCR.

Nemunya bakani ko gaya iya diatu, sekali ke udah di sukat tauka agi benung dalam "proses"? Sama-sama meh kitai ninga,serta berati ke bakani ko pengujung pengawa tu ila. Arap-arap ke mujur meh.

Tang bakani ko enggi bala kami di menua Kanowit, kelebih agi area Machan?
Puas endar ga bala sida ketuai,pia mega bala ke nemu senentang pekara tu nganjung "proposal" tauka peminta nyukat tanah tang lalu apin bisi saut jauh ke disukat. KDC nyau ka tiap taun ga minta bayar cukai pintu,cukai rumah. Kapa ga nya ukai nya maioh ga cukai dipinta sida, tang aku agi enda entu nemu nama tuju cukai enti sema rumah kitai agi beduduk ba tanah ke empai bisi permit taja pan nya tanah kitai empu, tau dikumbai tanah haram.
Ribu iya hektar sema jako tanah pelilih Machan, nama kebuah mina tanah cina aja bisi geran,bisi pala?? Tanah cina tengah-tengah tanah iban tau bisi pala,bisi permit tang belabuh ari kanowit ke Machan nyau ka semua tanah iban, maioh agi ke nadai permit,nadai pala.? Ukai nyalah cina, anang saru. Tang meh alit ati enggau utai ke nyadi,enggau permit ke dikeluar ka Land & survey.

Pia mega taun nyin kemari,maioh bala tekenyit ati. Laban bisi raban ari Kuching/semenanjung minta anjung meresa tanah sida tungga ke menua Ulu Latong nengah jala Camp Batang Ng. Machan. Kati ko sida tu tau ngumbai diri bisi tanah ke ulu Latong, nyau empega/seredah tang meh anang saru laban utai tu amat nyadi. Enda nemu kemaia tang sigi datai serta mai penanggul ngagai bala kaban belaian ke bisi dunya menua di Ulu Latong. Kati ko Titanium serta bisi dua tiga iti company tau bisi area ke Ulu Latong (ditemu dalam Map). Kemaia aki ine sida enggau berimba dunya menua kin? Ari ni sida tu bulih pemendar?

Ngelamatu Tanah Adat Bansa Dayak Mina di tanda ka ngena sungai,munggu, tinting. Tang diatu, kemanah agi ti ulih baum meh kitai nganjung peminta bebala maioh minta nyukat tanah adat kitai ngambi ke bisi bukti nya endang enggi kitai serta enda mudah dirompak,dirampas orang ngapa.

"Nothing can be done by talk,unless we effort to do it with find out the solution and then plan how we sorted this such of thing.We're not cheat anybody,we're not rob anybody,we're not grab land those belong to somebody but we're try to protect our own land."


Nya alai ngagai bala kaban belaian ari Latong ke bisi Macha artikel aku ditu arap ke kita tau ngadang-ngadang meh. Kada ke empai laun,kada ke empai nyadi manah agi kitai sedia dulu.

By: Anembiak Latong Rebak Baru.

Native Customary Rights (NCR) Over Land In Sarawak

Let share this:
1
NATIVE CUSTOMARY RIGHST (NCR) OVER LAND IN SARAWAK, MALAYSIA
By Baru Bian
Advocate & Solicitor
High Court, of Sarawak & Sabah
MALAYSIA
1. Native Customary Right (NCR), legal definition and recognition.
Native Customary Right (NCR) is not defined in the present Land Code (Cap. 81) 1958,Sarawak, (hereinafter referred to as the “Code”) but Native Customary Land is. Section 2 of the Code defines Native Customary Land (NCL) to mean:
(a) land in which native customary rights, whether communal or otherwise,
have lawfully been created prior to the 1st day of January 1958 and still
subsist as such;
(b) land from time to time comprised in a reserve to which section 6 applies;
and
(c) Interior Area Land upon which native customary rights have been
lawfully created pursuant to a permit under section 10.

The definition under (b) and (c) is not an issue and will not be elaborated in this paper. Suffice it is to state that under (b) above, it is an area of land gazetted by the Minister under section 6 of the
Code as Native Communal Reserves for a specific native community with certain guidelines as how the said community would exercise their rights therein. Once created, it will not be disputed as it has been gazetetd accordingly. Under (c) above, the Natives could only occupy Interior Area
Land upon the issuance to him of a valid permit by the Superintendent of Lands and Surveys pursuant to section 10 of the Code. This is not an issue because once a permit is granted; no one can dispute the occupation of such land by a native. What had become a hotly debated issue
through the years is the definition under (a) above i.e. “land in which native customary rights,whether communal or otherwise, have lawfully been created prior to the 1st day of January 1958 and still subsist as such”.

The definition (a) expressly provides two main criteria:

i. That it states a cut-off point by which a native has to prove the creation of NCR; i.e.before the 1st day of January 1958. (If a native creates NCR over land after 1958, itmust be with a permit under section 10, as provided for under section 5 of the Code).
ii. That the said NCR Land can be created and therefore claimed by a community or an individual.
iii. That it subsists as such until today.

Section 5, of the Code states six methods by which NCR can be created after 1st January 1958:
(a) the felling of virgin jungle and the occupation of the land thereby created;
(b) the planting of land with fruit trees;
(c) the occupation or cultivation of land;
(d) the use of land for a burial ground or shrine;
(e) the use of land of any class for rights of way; or
(f) any other lawful method.

Under definition (a) above, the area of land claimed as NCL usually has no title. But a native can apply for a title from the Lands and Surveys under section 18(1) of the Code if he can satisfy the Superintendent that he has occupied the said land in accordance with rights acquired by customary tenure amounting to ownership of the land for residential or agricultural purposes. A grant in perpetuity will normally be issued out to the applicant native. Section 18 states as
follows:
“18. (1) Where the Superintendent is satisfied that a native has occupied and used any area of unalienated State land in accordance with rights acquired by customary tenure amounting to ownership of the land for residential or agricultural purposes, he may, subject to section 18A, issue to the native a grant in perpetuity of that area of land free of premium rent and other charges.”


If a title is not issued out yet to a native in such a case, he is still deemed in law having the right but his position is referred to in law as a “licensee”. This is provided for under the proviso (i) to section 5 of the Code which states:

“(i) until a document of title has been issued in respect thereof, such land shall continue to be State land and any native lawfully in occupation thereof shall be deemed to hold by licence from the Government and shall not be required to pay any rent in respect thereof unless and until a document of title is issued to him.”

It must be noted here that, although a native is deemed holding on licence, his status is not as a bare licensee but his right is equivalent to having a title. He has legal rights which cannot be
taken away summarily without express provision of the law and that compensation must first be paid in the event his NCR is taken away or extinguished. The express provision of the Code pertaining to this matter is section 5(3) which states that “Any native customary rights may be
extinguished by direction issued by the Minister”. The said extinguishment shall be published in the Government gazette and one newspaper circulating in Sarawak; and exhibited at the notice board of the District Office for the area where the land, over which such rights are to be
extinguished, is situated. Within 60 days of such publication, any native having claim of NCR may filed his claim which will be determined by the Superintendent for the purpose of compensation. Any native unsatisfied with the decision of the Superintendent may request for the
matter to be referred to an arbitrator under section 212 of the Code.

Secondly, section 15 of the Code expressly provides too that “Without prejudice to sections 18 and 18A, State land shall not be alienated until all customary rights therein have been surrendered or extinguished or provision has been made for compensating the persons entitled
to such rights.”
From this section, it is also to be noted that NCR can exist on an area designated as “State Land”. This is one of the areas of great contention and misunderstanding. It is the view
of some people in the relevant authority that once an area is State Land, no NCR could exist. State Land is defined simply under section 2 of the Code as “…all land for which no document of title has been issued and all land which subsequent to the issue of a document of title may have been or may be forfeited or surrendered to or resumed by the Government,..”

The second proviso to section 5 of the Code further added that “the question whether any such right (NCR) has been acquired or has been lost or extinguished shall, save in so far as this Code
makes contrary provision, be determined by the law in force immediately prior to the 1st day of January 1958.” Although the methods of creating NCR is stated expressly under section 5 (2) of the Code as referred to earlier, those methods are not the method stated in the law in force
immediately prior to the 1st day of January 1958. Reading closely section 5(1) of the Code, those six methods appear to refer to the creation of NCR after 1st day of January 1958. The law applicable before 1st January 1958 is section 66 of the Land Settlement Ordinance 1933, where NCR is recognized in respect of:

(a) land planted with fruit trees, when the number of fruit trees amounts to twenty
and upwards to each acre;
(b) land that is in continuous occupation or has been cultivated or built on within three years;
(c) burial grounds or shrines;
(d) usual rights of way for men and animals from rivers, roads or houses to any or all of the above.

The important phrases in the above section are “land that is planted with fruit trees”, “land that is in continuous occupation” or “has been cultivated” or “built on” or “burial grounds” because these are the evidences that one must prove in NCR claim.

2. Problems Related to NCR claims

i. Although the law recognizes NCR claim by customary tenure, it throws the onus or burden on the natives to prove their claim. This can be difficult but not impossible. The difficulty arises because bulks of the NCL in Sarawak are not issued with titles. One of the main reasons given by the Government for not able to issue titles is lack of fund to survey these lands. Government publicly acknowledges that there are 1.6 million hectares of land under NCL in Sarawak, but these areas are not identified. Therefore, when loggers and planters of oil palm or trees are issued with licence or provisional leases, the Natives are at a disadvantage when faced with these loggers and planters as the natives have no
document to prove their claim of NCR.

ii. The Government’s definition and/or understanding of NCR claim is only
restricted to cultivated area or farmed area locally referred to as “temuda” which must have been cultivated or farmed before 1st January 1958. On the other hand, the natives believe that their NCR claim goes beyond their “temuda”. It includes their communal lands or territorial domain locally referred to as “pemakai menua” and the “reserved virgin forests” within their “pemakai menua” locally referred to as “pulau”. “Pulau” is preserved or reserved specifically to meet the domestic needs of the natives. Normally this is an area abundant with timber for boats, house, different kinds of fruit trees, jungle produce with medicinal value, a hunting ground, fishing ground etc to cater to their daily needs. (But see the landmark decision in Nor Nyawai’s Case discussed below 4 where “pemakai menua” and “pulau” had been declared and recognized as (NCL).

iii. Because of such different in understanding of what constitutes NCL or NCR, logging licenses and provisional leases are issued out covering “pemakai menua” and “pulau” of the natives in Sarawak. Because of this differing views, the matter always end up in Court for determination. (Since 1988 my legal firm had taken up 123 cases of NCR claims, majority of which are still pending in the High Court of Sarawak).

3 Case Laws on NCR
Nor anak Nyawai & Ors v. Borneo Pulp Plantation Sdn Bhd & Ors [2001] 2 CLJ 769.
Facts of the case

This is a representative action on behalf of an Iban longhouse in Sarawak, Malaysia who took legal action against the Defendants which includes the State Government of Sarawak over their Native Customary Land (pulau) having been included in a provisional lease (PL) granted to the 1st defendant for the planting of trees (acacia). The plaintiffs complained that their said Native Customary Land (NCL) was included in the area under the PL. The plaintiffs claimed that such inclusion of their said NCL was unlawful and illegal because no extinguishment of their NCR in
accordance with the Land Code, Sarawak was ever done. They pray for the exclusion of their said NCL from the said PL. In the trial the Court has to examine the rights (NCR) of an indigenous
Iban in relation to the lands and its resources to which they had no documentary title (NCL), and the recognition of the common law for the pre-existing righst under native or custom. The dispute
also called for a consideration of whether the various legislation throughout the period traversing the reign of the Sultan of Brunei before 1841 through to the time when Sarawak joined with the
other states to form Malaysia in 1963 had extinguished those native rights and whether those rights were ever exercised in the disputed area. Amongst other things, the defendants argued that the plaintiffs’ NCR (if any) had been eroded and/or extinguished by legislation.

• Findings of the Court
The High Court held amongst other things the followings:

i. The Ibans have a body of customs referred to as customary rights and the plaintiffs’ ancestors must have practiced the same customs as the present-day Ibans. Evidence adduced indicated that the plaintiffs’ ancestors had accessed the land for hunting,fishing, farming and collection of forest produce-all in the exercise of NCR. The
rights of an Iban arise by virtue of being a member of a community that occupies a longhouse and these rights, unless lost, pass down through the generations. The plaintiffs therefore were rightfully in possession of these rights.
ii. The very presence of a longhouse and its proximity to the disputed area, compounded by the fact that the disputed area fell within the boundaries of the longhouse, together with other evidence of communal existence render it probable and support the assertion that the plaintiffs and their ancestors had indeed accessed the disputed area
until they were prevented from doing so by the total destruction of the trees by the defendants.
iii. Customary law is a practice by habit of the people and not the dictate of the written law. All orders dating from the era of Rajah Brooke to current legislation declare in no uncertain terms the right of a native to clear virgin jungle, access the land surrounding the longhouse for cultivation, fishing, hunting and collection of jungle produce. Legislation has neither abolished nor extinguished NCR. On the contrary,
legislation has consistently recognized and honoured NCR even though it was not in written form.

The Defendants appealed against the decision of the High Court and the Court of Appeal allowed their appeal on one ground i.e that the plaintiffs failed to prove their claim of occupation over the pulau area, but affirmed the legal position as stated by the Learned trial Judge. The Plaintiffs had appealed against that decision of the Appeal Court on the finding of facts but interestingly the State Government of Sarawak did not appeal on the finding of law as stated above. As such it is submitted that what was held by the High Court Judge is the true and legal position of NCR in Sarawak today.

A month after the decision of the Court of Appeal in Nor anak Nyawai’s case supra, another decision came out from the Court appeal which followed the High Court’s Judge in Nor Nyawai’s case on the legal status of NCR and its definition in Sarawak . This is referred to as the
Madelli’s case.
The Madelli’s case was in fact a case involving a Malay person who is referred to as a native under the Constitution of Sarawak. Nevertheless the decision of Nor anak Nyawai applies. This is also true to the rest of the natives tribes in Sarawak.

• What about the Nomadic Penans?
Many people believes that, since the nomadic Penans do not farm and cultivate for a living, it is argued that they cannot claim NCR under the Land Code. It is my submission that the nomadic Penans can claim NCR under the laws of Sarawak if they can prove “occupation” of an area,
since time immemorial. At the moment there is no direct decision on this matter for the Penans, but two cases are now pending in the High Court of Sarawak, pertaining to this very issue.

4. Definition of Legality
Timber harvested by licensed person from approved areas and timber
products exported in accordance with the laws, regulations and procedures
pertaining to forestry, timber industry and trade of Malaysia.”

The above definition of legality had been proposed by the Malaysian Government through the Ministry of Plantation Industries and Commodities, at its “Consultations with Stakeholder Groups
Related to the EU FLEGT VPA Negotiations in Malaysia” meeting in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, Malaysia on the 22nd June 2007. At this meting I proposed to include the following amendment after the word “areas”-“free from any NCR claim”. So the definition should read:

“Timber harvested by licensed person from approved areas free from any
NCR claim, and timber products exported in accordance with the laws,
regulations and procedures pertaining to forestry, timber industry and trade of Malaysia.”

My proposal was meant to high light the fact that NCR claim must be dealt with and must expressly be stated in the definition legality. Because NCR over land in Sarawak is recognized under the laws of the country and confirmed by the Courts in Malaysia, areas which become a
dispute because of NCR claim cannot in law be regarded as legal. Its legality is being questioned until a final decision is made by a competent authority no less then the High Court. This should
be the case for Sarawak, Malaysia.

Tanah Dayak Menua Pesisir

Nama Kebuah Utai Kebakatu Tau nyadi?




Dini-dini menua ke bisi alai sangkai dimenua Sarawak enda nemu nadai ga berita bekaul enggau tanah adat kitai bangsa (NCL). Pansut ba blog pasal tanah ke diambi dikena nuduk ke "Pemansang" kenu ko berita. Pia mega baka rumah Nor Anak Nyawai, nyau dirarak. Tang meh aku bisi berasai iran mimit,nama kebuah berita tu nadai nyengala pansut dalam tv? TV1,TV2 & TV3?

Mina ba dalam blog ke bisi nerang utai kenyadi bakatu. Pia mega aku alit ati, bakani ko company ti sebali ari enda temu penatai nyau tau beempu tanah serta bisi hak nuduk ke bisness ke dikumbai "PEMANSANG" ba tanah adat kitai dayak. Patut ke enda kompeni tu disalah? Tang ba penemu aku tentu iya bisi orang ngeluar ke geran tauka lisen ke sida tu, mai sida berani ngambu, berani nujah tanah bangsa kitai. Bah sapa orang tu deh?

Ti dilaban sida lalu nujuk ke surat ti ngesah ke area nya udah dibeli sida, endang milik sida. Makin ari nyau maioh amat kes ke bansa tu nyadi, kitai dayak nyau belaya enggau tanah diri empu, bechara enggau tanah diri empu ngelaban orang ke sebubu ari enda temu penatai.

Ti kitai nganjung peminta nyukat tanah, maioh amat ke dalih sida Jabatan Ukur/Land and survey. Enda ulih sukat setegal nya tanah adat, enda ulih beri permit laban tanah adat. Tang kati ko company tau bulih permit?? Nama beza sida iya enggau bangsa dayak??

Ka ngaga "PEMANSANG" ba siti-siti menua nadai salah. Endang disampi ke "PEMANSANG" datai, tang meh enggau patut. Anang kelalu enda bebasa ke bangsa dayak,anang kelalu kurang ajar enggau bangsa dayak. Ditu ukai ka be jai perintah, tang meh enda setuju enggau utai ti dikereja sida pemesai ti bekereja ba perintah. Enda besangkut paut enggau sapa-sapa ke makai suap ba dini-dini alai, tang meh anang ngambi tanah dayak sepeneka ati.Laban setegal land code ti salah guna tuai menua kitai nya meh kebendar amat ngenusah bangsa kitai dayak. Land code kena ngambi tanah kitai, udah nya diberi ngagai tauke-tauke besai,ngagai bala-bala ti bisi kaul dikena bejalai ke bisness. Tang meh kitai dayak ke be empu tanah mina pesap-pesap,mina dibayar pampas "BELAS KASIHAN" tauka "KENA NGUDAH".


Nya alai ngagai kaban bangsa dayak, berunding meh bala kitai semua bakani cara kitai deka ngetan ke tanah adat kitai ari ti diambi orang,kelebih agi bala company kaya ti deka bebuka ke ladang. Anang enda angkun ke tanah serta menua diri, anang alah laban keremba serta jako sebubu ngapa sebelah kaki lima. Kasih ke anak,uchu kitai jemah enggai ke nyadi kampar dimenua diri empu laban ti nadai setempap tanah alai beridup.
Anang nganti pagila, anang nganti ila. Mupuk meh kitai bela berunding,badu agi ngembuan ati bingking. Ngagai sida ke bisi pemandai serta bisi nemu bekaul enggau tanah NCL kitai dayak nadai salah meri penemu,lalau serta jalai ulih mutar ke penanggul ke udah lama nuntung bangsa kitai.

"Conclusion"
I’m a Dayak Iban and I have the right to vote. My vote count:-

1)My vote nominates
2)My vote pay good services;
3)My vote create opportunities and growth
4)My vote safeguard my Native Rights;
5)My vote preserved justice;
6)My vote is my future generation benefits;
7)My vote is my bond (Voice, Opportunity, Trust & Equity).



By: Anembiak Latong Rebak Baru

Thursday, February 17, 2011

Native Customary Laws And Native Rights Over Land In Sarawak

NATIVE CUSTOMARY LAWS AND NATIVE RIGHTS OVER LAND IN SARAWAK

Prepared by the State Attorney-General's Chambers, Sarawak for Human Rights Commission in 2004.
Updated on 15 January, 2007
1. PREAMBLE
1.1. Native Customary law system prevailing in Sarawak is peculiar to our State. What is "native customary law" must be determined with reference to the laws of the State, and what constitutes "native customary rights" over land must also be determined with reference to the relevant State laws.
1.2 Native Customary Rights to land is also a system which recognises the rights of the native community to occupy and use land which by law belongs in the old days to the Crown, but nowadays by reason of Section 12 of the Land Code, belongs to the State.

1.3 The system of native customary rights over land had evolved over near one and half centuries; since 1841 when the Rajah James Brooke decided to make his first pronouncement pertaining to Land. Through this process of evolution, native rights to land were recognised, under certain conditions spelt out in the various Proclamations and Orders made by the Rajahs and subsequently, in various legislations passed by the Council Negeri (now Dewan Undangan Negeri of Sarawak).

1.4 As such, land occupied by natives under native customary tenure, are untitled i.e. there is no document of title to show ownership. Whether a native has rights to such land would depend on whether he or his forefathers fulfilled certain requirements under the laws prevailing at the time which rights to the land were said to have been created.
1.5 Native customs which could create rights over land had been modified in Sarawak by laws made by the Rajahs and subsequently by the Council Negeri. At this juncture, it ought to be pointed out that in all legal systems, indigenous rights may be modified or extinguished by legislative or executive action. Professor Douglas Sanders in his Paper on "Indigenous And Tribal Peoples: The Right To Live On Their Own Land" (presented at the 12th Commonwealth Law Conference held in Kuala Lumpur in September, 1999) stated;
"A leading Australian constitutional text summarises the basic rule from the Mabo decision as follows:
The indigenous population had a pre-existing system of law, which along with the rights subsisting thereunder, would remain in force under the new sovereign except where specifically modified or extinguished by legislative or executive action."

1.6 It must be emphasised that the evolution of our laws on native customary rights over land over more than 11/2 centuries was a peaceful and orderly process, without any serious discord amongst the various communities in Sarawak or between them and the Government, and has enabled the Government of the day to improve the social and economic position of these communities and bring about overall development and progress to the rural areas.

2. NATIVE CUSTOMS AND NATIVE CUSTOMARY LAW
2.1 It is pertinent to observe there is a significant difference between native customs (Adat) and native customary law.
2.2 AJN Richards (a former Resident and acknowledged authority on this subject) in his book Land Law and Adat at page 9, stated:
"As was pointed out by Mooney, as Crown Counsel and Hickling, the law does not, in fact, gives effect to any customs whatsoever except the codified law of delicts, ..."
2.3 The Land Code and its predecessor defines "customary law" to mean "a custom or body of customs to which the law of Sarawak gives effect".
2.4 The natives of Sarawak may have and in fact do have many customs, but for these customs to have effect as "customary laws", they must have the sanction of the Law. This is what characterised the difference between native customs and the customary laws; and this differentiation is acknowledged by the definition of "Adat" in the Majlis Adat Istiadat Sarawak Ordinance, Ord. No. 5 of 1977 where "Adat" is defined as "native custom or body of native customs to which lawful effect has not been given thereto".
2.5 Thus, in relation to land, the practice of native custom does not necessarily give rise to rights over land. It is only the practice of those customs which are part of the customary law of Sarawak, which can create rights to land and this is evident by the provisions of Section 5(1) of the Land Code which provides, inter alia, that native customary rights over land may be created "in accordance with native customary law". "Native customary rights" to land, however, received its first statutory definition in the Land Settlement Ordinance (also known as Rajah Order L-7 of 1933), enacted on 22.6.1933. It is defined by Section 66 of that Ordinance as follows:

3. PRE-1933 LEGAL POSITION ON NATIVE RIGHTS TO LAND
3.1 Although the Land Settlement Ordinance provides the first statutory recognition to native customary rights over land, the exercise of rights by natives over land were regulated by various pronouncements and orders made by the Rajahs prior to 1933,
3.2 In fact, the exercise by the natives of customary rights over land had been recognised since the days of the first Rajah. Writing in his journal In 1840, the first Rajah stated:
"The fruit trees about the Kampong, and as far as the jungle round, are private property, and all other trees which are in any way useful, such as bamboo, various kinds for making bark-cloth, the bitter kony ... and many others. Land, likewise, is Individual property, and descends from father to son; so, likewise, is the fishing of particular rivers, and indeed most other things ...".
3.3 Legislation was subsequently introduced to deal with specific aspect of customary law. In 1899,' the second Rajah issued the Fruit Trees Order, Section 1 reads:
"Such fruit trees which have chiefly sprung up from seeds thrown out of and about houses, and have become common property of the inhabitants of a long house or village, are in no cases to be sold or in any way transferred or claimed by individuals leaving such houses or villages."
And section 2 reads:
"Any Dyak removing from a river or district may not claim, sell, or transfer any farming ground in such river or district, nor may he prevent others farming thereon, unless he holds such land under a grant."
3.4 The significance of this Order is that It sets out the manner in which claims to native customary tenure may be made by a native community through the cultivation of fruit trees on land which was deemed to belong to the State. Another important characteristic of native customary tenure was apparent, i.e. rights so created through native customary tenure may be lost if a native moved from one river system to another.
3.5 The next development occurred in 1920 when the Rajah's Order No. VIII, 1920 was published on 21,10.1922, the relevant parts of which reads as follows;
"22,(I) Under this part lands may be occupied by Natives free of all charges for the cultivation of fruit trees, padi, vegetables, pineapples, sugar cane, bananas, yams and similar cultures in accordance with the customary laws provided that where possible claims to fruit groves and farming lands shall be registered. Records of such claims shall be kept by all Native Headmen and also in the Land Office In each district.
(ii) A certificate in the form of Schedule A of Notification No...... of 1920 may be issued to registered land holders under this part." {emphasis added}
A supplement to the Order reads:
"2.(I) Native land reserves shall be made in suitable situations and these shall be divided into lots of three acres and any native born subject of His Highness the Rajah shall be permitted to occupy one such lot free of all charges (excepting fees for demarcation) provided that no person not being a native of the Country shall occupy land in such reserves and further that no one person shall occupy more than one lot at one and the same time.
(ii) A record of the names of those occupying land under this section shall be kept by all Tuah Kampong and also in the Land Office in each district.
(iii) A certificate in the form of Schedule A may be granted to each native land holder on application," (emphasis added)
3.6 From these Orders and the Land Settlement Ordinance (formerly known as Rajah Order L-7 of 1933), it is obvious that the only recognition, given by written laws as pronounced by the Rajahs, requires physical occupation of an area before a native can establish his rights over the same. As AJN Richards noted in Land Law and Adat at page 8 - "Occupation under custom appears to have been generally regarded as 'lawful occupation' and 'lawful ownership'". The 1920 Order and the 1933 Ordinance even required some form of registration of such rights to accord natives protection of their claims over land. Additionally, it is to be observed that the Rajah did place a limitation on the amount of land that a native could occupy by the exercise of rights under his Adat. At that point in time, the Rajah only allowed each native to occupy one lot of three (3) acres. Also, under the 1933 Ordinance, land claimed on the basis of cultivation by a native must be in continuous occupation or had been cultivated on "within three years".
3.7 In 1939, the Rajah realised a need to prevent some communities from moving into territories occupied by other native communities. Hence, the Prohibited Areas Ordinance was passed to prevent some communities from moving into areas already occupied by others. In other words, native communities do not have absolute licence to move Into any area, clear virgin jungles and settle thereon. The Restricted Areas Notification (see: Vol. VII of the Revised Edition of the
Laws of Sarawak page 153) prohibits Sea Dayaks (Ibans) from remaining in the then Baram Administrative District for an aggregate period of more than 60 days in any calendar day without the permission in writing of the District Officer, Baram or District Officer, Limbang.
3.8 After the 1933 Land Settlement Ordinance, rules and administrative circulars were introduced to reinforce the requirement for natives to occupy and clear their land'before they could have rights over the same. This Is illustrated by the Appendix made to the Tusun Tunggu (Third Division) Order, published in Vol. VII of the Revised Edition of the Laws of Sarawak 1958, as a "guide to Judges, Magistrates and others on adoption, divorce, the acquisition and disposition of property as practised amongst Sea Dayaks of the Third Division, ratified at the Penghulus' Conference, held at Sibu on 15 July 1952". The relevant portions thereof read:-
"7. Theoretically all untitled land whether jungle or cleared for padi farming (Temuda) is the property of the Crown. The fact that Dayaks do clear a portion of virgin land for the site of their pad! farms confers on them a restricted right of proprietorship over the land thus cleared. Once the jungle has been cleared it becomes temuda. It is a recognised custom that temuda is for the use of the original worker, his heirs and descendants. This is the only way Dayaks can acquire land other than by gift or inheritance.

In former days there were no restrictions on anyone felling jungle provided that he did not destroy valuable commercial trees such as gutta, jelutong and engkabang. But it is not so now. Since the introduction of the Forest and Erosion Ordinance no one is allowed to fell jungle without permission from the proper authority.
No Dayak is allowed to sell, purchase or lease (by way of demanding rent either in kind or in cash) untitled land. It would be an infringement of the right of the Crown if they did so, and they may be prosecuted in view of the fact that selling of untitled land is prevalent in this division, and Dayaks seem to forget this custom.
There are no other ways in which Dayaks can part with possession of untitled land other than by gift or on death. When a Dayak abandons his land temuda and moves to another district he loses all his rights to it. The land that has been farmed by him reverts to the Crown (as legally it is Crown land) and it is usually set aside for the benefit of the general community or to help those who are otherwise lacking in land. In such a case the original owner has no right to prevent others from making use of the land and the user acquires the right." (emphasis added)
3.9 It ought to be pointed out that what is set out above has been made an Appendix to the Tusun Tunggu (Third Division) Order and was also adopted by the Tusun Tunggu (Fourth Division) Order and Tusun Tunggu (Fifth Division) Order. It therefore has the effect and authority and constitutes the customary laws of the Sea Dayak (Iban) in Sarawak.
3.10 What Is contained in this Appendix is also consistent with what was contained in Secretariat Circular No. 12/1939 which briefly outlined the creation of rights over land through native customary tenure as follows:-
(i) The right to cultivate cleared land vests in the community with priority to the heirs of the original faller of .the big jungle. This right must be exercised in accordance with a cycle compatible with the preservation of the maximum fertility of the land (and no longer) by methods of cultivation within the reach of the community. The cycle is, in their eyes,
not a matter for rule of thumb but for expert native opinion.
(ii) Where not inconsistent with the above, the existence of permanent cultivation of a reasonable density is evidence of customary ownership as opposed to customary rights of user.
(iii) Individual ownership is limited by the customary right of the community to a say in the matter of disposal to anyone outside the community.
(iv) No community or individual may hold up land in excess of requirements and, the extreme case, removal to another district automatically extinguished all rights of user. The old Order (a) dated 10.8.89 is an excellent exposition of this principle.
3.11 In summary, the creation and exercise of native rights over land, prior to the present Land Code which came into force on 1st January 1958, were regulated by laws or Orders made by the Rajah or Council Negeri and not just by the customs and traditions of the natives. These laws or Orders have the effect of modifying or overriding customs or traditions practised by the natives, and they set out the customary laws for creation or exercise of rights to land. They laid down the conditions and restrictions for the creation of native rights to land and limited the size of the land, without title, which natives may occupy and claim "ownership".
3.12 Subsequent to 1958, native customary rights may be cleared over

Interior Area Land upon these 2 conditions, viz:
(a) a permit is obtained' under section 10(3) of the Land Code from the Superintendent; and
(b) by deploying any of these methods -
(a) felling of virgin jungle and occupation of land thereby cleared;
(b) planting of land with fruit trees;
(c) occupation or cultivation of land;
(d) use of land for burial ground or shrine;
(e) use of land of any class for rights of way; or
(f) any other lawful method.
3.13 Other lawful methods must refer to the Appendix to the Tusun Tunggu - see paragraph 3.8 above i.e. by gift or inheritance. It is necessary to note that fishing or collection of jungle produce do not create rights over land.
4, RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN NATIVE CUSTOMARY LAW AND OTHER STATE LAWS
4.1 As the definition of customary law implies, the written laws of the State must take precedence over native customs. This is because for native customs to have the status of customary laws, they must be those which the laws of Sarawak gives effect. This is further reinforced by the provisions of Section 9 of the Native Customs (Declaration) Ordinance 1996, which reads:-
"If any provision of a code is found to be repugnant to or is inconsistent with a provision of any written law, the latter shall prevail."
4.2 This is further reinforced by Section 10(4) of the Land Code which reenacted Section 8(4) of the Land (Classification) Ordinance 1948. Section 10(4) reads :-
"The occupation of Interior Area Land by a native or native community without a permit in writing from a Superintendent shall not, notwithstanding any law or custom to the contrary, confer any right or privilege on such native or native community and, in any such case, such native or native community shall be deemed to be in unlawful occupation of State land and section 209 shall apply thereto." {emphasis added)
4.3 The legal position taken by the State with regard to the relationship between customs and written law is no different from that adopted in any other common law jurisdiction; that is, customs may be overridden by statutes.
5. COLLECTION OF FOREST PRODUCE, FISHING AND HUNTING BY NATIVES
5.1 Although natives have been collecting timber and other jungle produce from forests for their domestic or personal use, such as for firewood, building of houses and boats, the exercise of such rights by natives have been regulated by law since the end of the 19th century. The following are the relevant legislations governing the taking of timber or forest produce:-
(a) The Rajah's Order dated 22.6.1899 states, inter alia, that "any person wishing to work and collect timber for whatever purpose shall first obtain a permit at the Resident's Office.
………….
Any person working timber without a license on and after the 1st day of August, 1899 will render himself liable to a fine not exceeding $25."
(b) Order No. 1, 1912 states that, inter alia, "it is hereby ordered that the felling of Enkabang and Ketio trees is strictly forbidden".
(c) Order No. IX, 1912 provides, inter alia, that –
"Whenever any person or persons are desirous of planting plots of marsh land which have been cleared within three years previously or hill land which has been cleared within seven years previously, such person or persons will be permitted to destroy all kinds of Enkabang, Ketio and Jelutong trees found on such lands when necessary without penalty, but when a person or persons desire to clear marsh land covered with jungle of a growth of more than three years old or hill land covered with a growth of more than seven years old where such trees are growing, permission must be first obtained of the Officer in Charge of the district; otherwise the penalty will be enforced." (emphasis added)
(d) Similarly, Order XIV, 1921 provides, inter alia, as follows:-
"2.(i) Except as provided in rules 9 and 10 below no person shall -
(a) cut, saw, convert or remove any tree, timber or firewood on' or from State land; or
……
(c) cut, collect or remove on or from State land any of the kinds of forest produce mentioned in Schedule I, except under and in accordance with the
conditions of a license in Form 1 under the hand of a Forest Officer or other Officer duly authorised in that behalf.
9(i) With the written permission of the Conservator permits in Form 17 may be issued under the hand of a Forest Officer to cut, collect and remove on or from State land any forest produce therein specified.
ll(i). Notwithstanding anything In this Order contained It shall be lawful for any subject of H.H. the Rajah of Sarawak to cut and remove from State land any timber or forest produce required by him for his own use and not for sale, exchange or profit." (emphasis added)
(e) Section 108 of the land Ordinance (Cap. 27) provides inter alia, that any person who shall be found unlawfully occupying any Crown land either by cultivating any part thereof or cutting timber or produce thereon shall be guilty of an offence against the Ordinance.
(f) The Forests Ordinance (Cap. 31) of 1934 and Forests Rules, 1947
Collection of forest produce from State land forests or communal forests were also regulated by the Forests Ordinance of 1934 which has been superseded by the Forests Ordinance (Cap. 126) of 1953 which came into force on 1.1.1954. Section 37 of the Forests Ordinance of 1934 provides that when the Resident is satisfied that it is the desire of a majority of the members of a community that a communal forest shall be constituted he shall, with the approval of the Chief Secretary, publish a proclamation in the requisite form.

Once a communal forest has been duly gazetted, section 43(1) of the Forests Ordinance of 1934 provides that subject to any conditions imposed in writing by the District Officer under section 42, any member of the community may remove free of royalty or fee any forest produce for his own use and not for sale, exchange or direct profit. Section 43(2) provides that no other person shall remove forest produce for whatever purposes.
(g) The Forests Ordinance (Cap. 126) of 1953
This Ordinance came into force on 1.1.1954 and further regulates the taking of timber or forest produce, even by natives. For instance, section 65 allows any inhabitant of Sarawak to remove, from State land which is not a forest reserve, timber produce exclusively for his own use and not for trade or barter or profit.
5.2. (a) It is to be noted that under both the Forests Ordinance 1934 and the current Forests Ordinance 1953, the Government has the right to constitute Protected Forests, Forest Reserves and Communal Forests. In constituting Protected Forests, the Government would acknowledge and concede certain rights or privileges to the affected native communities. For instance, when the Lemiting Protected Forest (216,800 acres) was constituted on 15 September 1951, the Government acknowledged the rights of the communities expressly named therein "to farm their secondary forest {temuda) but it shall be an offence to clear high forest except with the authority of the Conservator of Forests. The persons named shall have the right to cultivate the rubber and fruit gardens named with the provisos that no tree may be felled and no more trees may be
planted" (emphasis added),
(b) Thus the rights of the natives within a particular protected forest are strictly regulated by the Notification constituting the same e.g. G.N.S. 881/1951 constituting the Lemiting Protected Forest.
5.3 (a) In the case of forest reserves, the amount of jungle produce that could be taken therefrom are controlled. For instance, in constituting the Binatang Forest Reserve (vide L.N. 791 dated 3.7.1951), it is stated, inter alia, that:
"The Forest Reserve is constituted for the benefit of the following longhouses and kampongs who shall have the right to take jungle produce for their own use and not for sale or barter. Provided that the quantity that may be taken annually shall be subject to the control of the Conservator of Forests,"
(b) Not only the taking of jungle produce but also fishing and hunting would be regulated when, for instance. National Parks are constituted. A typical example is the Gunong Mulu National Park Proclamations (G.N, 2852 and 2853 of 3.10.1974) which confined fishing and hunting by the communities named therein to certain specified areas of the Gunong Mulu National Park.
5.4 Where there is a .need to maintain a forest area for the benefit of a local community, the Government could declare an area as Communal Forest, see for instance, the Kabong Communal Forest (2,500 acres) (G.N.S 96/61) which is for the benefit of the inhabitants of Kampongs Kabong and Paloh.
5.5 All these show that the right of the natives to take timber and jungle produce have been regulated, even before Malaysia Day, by laws and are controlled by the Conservator (now Director) of Forests. Although the natives may have their own customs, such as, pemakai menoa and pulau galau, these customs are not part of the Tusun Tunggu or the Adat Iban or any other Codes produced by the Majlis Adat Istiadat Sarawak. Hunting, fishing and collection of jungle produce, therefore, do not create rights over land (see: Appendix to the Tusun Tunggu and Section 5 of the Land Code and Section 66 of the Land Settlement Ordinance). The natives unfortunately have a wrong perception that It is their customs, though not part of native customary law, which gives them rights to land, the jungles and in some cases, the streams and rivers near their longhouses. But, the written laws which have evolved over 160 years do not recognise certain of their customs as customary laws upon which they could create rights over untitled State land,
5.6 It must be noted that the natives do not have proprietary interests over forest areas where they go to collect jungle produce, fishing etc. In the Nor ak Nyawai case, the Court of Appeal approved the following passage of a Judgment of the Selangor High Court in Saqong bin Tasi v. Kerajaan Negeri Selangor, viz:
"Therefore, in keeping with the worldwide recognition now being given to aboriginal rights, I conclude that the proprietary interest of the orang asli in their customary and ancestral lands is an interest in and to the land. However, this conclusion is limited only to the area that forms their settlement, but not to the jungle at large where they used to roam to forage for their livelihood in accordance with their tradition. As to the area of the settlement and its size, it is a question of fact in each case. In this case, as the land Is clearly within their settlement, I hold that the plaintiffs' proprietary interest in It is an Interest in and to the land. (emphasis added),
6. GOVERNMENT POLICIES AND PRACTICES REGARDING RECOGNITION OF NATIVE RIGHTS TO LAND
6.1 When the Government introduced the Land Code (Amendment) Bill 2000, the Government's firm intention is to recognise native rights lawfully created over land. That is still the objective of the Government.
6.2 This means that the Government can only recognise those rights of natives which have been lawfully created. In other words, these rights must have been created in accordance with the native customary law i.e. law that gives force to native customs.
6.3 All land belongs to the State. In the case of native customary land, with no titles, natives, with legitimate customary rights to the land, (i.e. created in accordance with the law), occupy the land as licencees of the Government- Sections 5(2) & 44 of Land Code.
6.4.1 The Government intends to survey the land, settle or confirm their rights to the land and have their interests or rights registered and ultimately, grant them titles to the land. This process is bound to take time. Additionally, in the meantime, the Government wants the NCR land to be developed into plantation estates. In this regard, the Government has started the NCR land bank concept whereby the native NCR claimant can "pool" their land together into a large estate and enter into joint ventures with established plantation companies for the development thereof into oil palm plantations or the large scale cultivation of other cash crops. Under this scheme, the natives will have shares in the joint venture companies which would be granted leases over the NCR land for a term of 60 years. Upon expiry thereof, the land will either be reverted back to the natives or their heirs or if the natives agree, the lease to the joint venture companies can be extended. In this manner, the Government intends to facilitate the development of the NCR land and to bring better economic returns or value for such land to the natives,
6.4.2 Up to December 2006 the State Task Force on NCR Land Development had approved 58 NCR land areas for development under the New Concept. Thirty-one (31) of these areas that have been verified by the Department of Land & Survey comprise of approximately 292,247 hectares of NCR Land.
6.4.3 Currently, field developments are taking place in 23 of these projects, which cover a total gross area of 188,347 hectares. By 31 October 2006 picket survey of 57,413 hectares had been completed out of which 41,916 hectares had been cleared for field development. Of the area already cleared 33,193 hectares had been planted out of which 21,082 hectares were in production.
6.4.4To-date there are 11,952 landowners participating in the 23 projects where field development is on-going.
6.5 The objective mentioned in paragraph 6.4 is difficult to achieve if the native communities make claims which are not consistent with the laws governing the creation of native customary rights over land or where there are disputes between the natives themselves as to the size or boundaries of their respective holding.
6.6 As regards claims to forests (pulau), the Government will maintain the stand that the pulaus are not "temuda" (farming land) as they are never brought under cultivation. The natives have no proprietary rights to the pulaus and no legal rights to the land therein. If there is a need by any community for jungle produce etc. from a forest area for their own subsistence or use, the Government could declare such a forest area as a communal forests. The native community ought
not to claim jungles which they have never brought under cultivation as their NCR land.
6.7 The Government maintains that what a native could claim as his NCR land must be for his own farming requirement and must be limited to what he needs or is capable of cultivating based upon traditional farming methods. In other words, the size of his NCR land must not exceed what he needs for himself and his family, and using the conventional or traditional method of farming, able to bring under cultivation.
6.8 What a native claims as rights under native customary law must be restricted to what the laws over the last IVs centuries permit. If he requires more land than what he could obtain through the native customary law system, he may apply, like any other Sarawakian, to the Government to alienate him land. He should not attempt to increase the size or area of his land by pleading that he is entitled to have more land because of certain customs which are not recognised as, or not part of, the customary law of the State. The law on NCR which has evolved more than a century must be respected. For instance, the principle that NCR land is .temuda land (i.e. land cleared of virgin jungles for cultivation) and occupied by the natives or used as burial ground or right of way, has been part of the native customary law since 1933 and reinforced by the Secretariat Circular of 1939 and declared as part of the Tusun Tunggu of the Ibans and restated in section 5 of the Land Code. The Government cannot agree to any change in this fundamental concept which has governed land utilisation, planning and development for nearly a century.
6.9 NCR land like titled or alienated land may be required for public purpose. Under the Land Code, if NCR land Is needed for public purposes, the lawful holder of such land will be paid compensation. NCR land claimants will not be treated differently from registered proprietors of land; consistent with the relevant provisions in the federal Constitution for the protection of property and against discrimination.
7. CONCLUSION
7.1 The Government will always respect all native rights to land, lawfully acquired in accordance with the native customary laws of the State. Likewise, the Government expects the natives to respect such laws evolved in a peaceful and orderly manner over more than IVz centuries.
7.2 The Government will continue to facilitate the development of NCR land with a view to enabling the natives who lawfully have rights over such land, to enjoy better economic returns and value for the land; and in the process, also to enhance development of the rural areas and to improve the living standards of the rural communities.
7.3 The Government will respect and honour the constitutional protections accorded to the natives by awarding recognition of their legitimate rights to their NCR land and if such land are required for public purposes, to pay the due compensation.
7.4 The Government recognises the need of the natives to maintain their traditional way of life and farming and the need to take timber and jungle produce from, and to hunt and fish, in our forests. Where there is a need for the natives to take timber or timber products from a forest area, the Government will declare that area as'a communal forest. In cases where a particular native community needs to be settled In a specified area which suit their traditional way of life and farming, the Government would, pursuant to section 6 of the land Code, declare that area as a Native Communal Reserve. Examples of Native Communal Reserves declared recently are:
(a) The Native Communal (Agriculture) Reserve Order, 2001 (Swk. L.N. 77/2001);
(b) The Native Communal (Kampung) Reserve Order, 2001 (Swk. L.N. 65/2001);
(c) The Native Communal (Community Hall) Reserve Order, 2001 (Swk. L.N, 28/2001);
(d) The Native Communal (Surau) Reserve Order, 2001 (Swk. L.N. 93/2001); and
(e) The Native Communal (Agriculture) Reserve Order, 1992 (Swk, L.N. 21 (1992)).
7.5 But the natives must at the same time understand and respect the rights of the Government to realise, for the benefit of the country, the full economic potentials of the resources of our forests and land which are not part of our national parks, natural reserves and wildlife sanctuaries.
7.6 In a democratic society where the Rule of Law must be upheld, the interests and rights of any individual should be exercised or advanced without any disregard for the Law and the interest of the State and Nation. No one should not take the law into their own" hands by setting up blockades or intimidating those undertaking development projects in their areas. Their rights, if any, to land can always be enforced by proceedings either before the Civil Court or the Native Courts which are set up, amongst other reasons, to adjudicate on disputes or claims to NCR land. All non-Government bodies should encourage the people to uphold and respect the Law and help to explain the Law to those who are supposed to observe and abide by the Law.

Difining Native Customary Right To Land

Defining Native Customary Rights to Land
Sarawak has an anomalous and unique history as a British colony. A British protectorate in 1888, it was only annexed to British dominion in 1946 and became independent when it joined Malaysia in 1963. From 1841 to 1946[1] it was ruled by the Brooke family, whose members were themselves British subjects. This historical legacy has shaped, and continues to influence, the development of the law and policies relating to native customary land.
Prior to James Brooke’s arrival in Sarawak there was in existence a system of land tenure based on adat (native customary laws). That system remained virtually the same over the following century. Native customary rights to land consisted of rights to cultivate the land, rights to the produce of the jungle, hunting and fishing rights, rights to use the land for burial and ceremonial purposes, and rights of inheritance and transfer. According to native ideas, the clearing and cultivation of virgin land confers permanent rights on the original clearer (Geddes 1954; Freeman 1955; Richards 1961).

As the term implies, native customary rights may only be claimed by a native, or a person who has become identified with and has become subject to native personal law, and is therefore deemed to be a native.[2] ‘Native’ refers to the indigenous groups who inhabit the state, as listed in the schedule to the Sarawak Interpretation Ordinance and Article 161A, Clause 6 of the Federal Constitution. Despite the existence of numerous groups, the term ‘Dayak’ is colloquially used to refer to all the non-Muslim natives, differentiating them from the Malays, who by legal definition are Muslims (Bulan 1999; Hooker 2000). However, it is notable that the constitutional definition of natives in Sarawak includes the Malays. While the Malay-Melanau groups are coastal dwellers, the Dayaks are typically longhouse dwellers whose livelihood depends on the jungle and on swidden farming. Occupying the intermediate zones and the interior areas of Sarawak, their geographical locations and dependence on the land clearly determine the way that land administration affects them.
The Brookes did not interfere with the customary land rights of the Dayaks and Malays, allowing them a degree of self-governance. No scheme of alienation or land development was introduced except with respect to land where no rights or claims, whether documentary or otherwise, existed. There was a need to regulate the administration of land,[3] and at every phase, there was an awareness of the existence of native customary rights. As the authorities discovered, the regulation of customary tenure and land use touched on a social consciousness in which land has economic, social and religious significance (Porter 1967: 11). After a number of regulatory orders, a memorandum on native land tenure was published by means of the Secretarial Circular No. 12 of 1939.[4]

Cultivated land and any land on which a fruit grove had been planted is heritable. Communities may also demarcate certain areas of primary jungle as pulau (reserved forest land) for communal use, within which rights over different resources may be established. Although judicial decisions have held these rights to have been lost upon personal abandonment, migration, or transfer, these losses must be seen in the light of the customary practices of each individual community.

Legislation on Land
English law was formally applied by the Brookes through Order L-4 (Laws of Sarawak Ordinance) 1928. This introduced English law subject to modifications by the Rajah, and was applicable to native customs and local conditions.

After the Brookes, the most significant period for Sarawak’s land law was that which followed the cession of Sarawak to the British Crown in 1946. The Instrument of Cession transferred the rights of the Rajah, the Rajah in Council, and the State and Government of Sarawak in all lands to His Britannic Majesty ‘but subject to existing private rights and native customary rights’. The Application of Law Ordinance 1949 provided for the reception (afresh) of English common law and doctrines of equity together with statutes of general application. These applied only ‘so far as the circumstances of Sarawak and of its inhabitants permit and subject to such qualifications as local circumstances and native customs render necessary’.
One of the first pieces of legislation passed by the colonial government was the Land (Classification) Ordinance 1948. This instituted the system of land classification by which all land was divided into:
• Mixed Zone Land (land which may be held by any citizen without restriction);
• Native Area Land (land with a registered document of title but to be held by natives only);
• Native Communal Reserve (declared by Order of the Governor in Council for use by any native community, regulated by the customary law of the community);
• Reserved Land (reserved for public purposes);
• Interior Area Land (land that does not fall within the Mixed Zone); and
• Native Customary Land (land in which customary rights, whether communal or otherwise, have been created).
The effect of the classification was that the non-natives could acquire rights only in the Mixed Zone Lands. The natives were restricted in their dealings with non-natives, as well as among themselves, in line with the government policy of preventing the natives ‘from impoverishing themselves by disposing lightly of their rights to others, whether alien or natives’. Native Customary Land was preserved wherever it was already created, irrespective of the zone. Any transfer or dealing contrary to the code was subject to a penalty (Porter 1967: 77).

A significant provision of the 1948 Ordinance was that natives were entitled to occupy Interior Area Land for the purpose of creating customary rights but they were to be licensees of the Crown. Since by definition a licensee holds land at the discretion of the owner, in one stroke that ordinance removed proprietary rights to land from people who for generations had occupied and depended on that land.
The reduction of native rights to a mere licence advanced the presumption that natives had only a usufructuary right with no kind of ownership, and underpinned the colonial ‘tendency, operating often at times unconsciously, to render that title conceptually in terms which are appropriate only to systems which have grown up under English law’.[5] To deny the existence of a valid native perspective on land ownership, based on an elaborate system of rules and customs, was ‘characteristic of the self-serving ethnocentricity upon which colonialism is based’ (McNeil 1990: 92). The fact was that Sarawak was already inhabited by native groups who were not mere wanderers but were people in occupation of the land.

Amendments made through the Land (Classification) (Amendment) Ordinance 1955 precluded the creation of customary rights over Interior Area Land from 16 April 1955 unless a permit was obtained from the District officer. This continued to form the basis of the Land Code that came into force in January 1958, and remained an integral part of the land law system even after Sarawak joined Malaysia in 1963.[6] However, the issue of permits was effectively halted in 1964 by means of a government directive (Zainie 1994).

The Sarawak Land Code 1958
The Sarawak Land Code 1958 is based on a Torrens registration system which only recognises registered interests in land. The person claiming ownership or interest must have a document of title in the form of a grant, lease or other document as evidence of title or interests. There is, however, a provision for the creation of Native Customary Land under Section 5(2) which is limited to six specific methods; namely:
• the felling of virgin jungle and the occupation of the land thereby cleared;
• the planting of land with fruits;
• the occupation of cultivated land;
• the use of land for a burial ground or shrine;
• the use of land for rights of way; and
• by any lawful method (deleted in 2000).
Numerous amendments have been made to the Land Code. For instance, in 1994 amendments were passed to empower the minister in charge of land matters to extinguish native customary rights to land. In 1996, the onus was placed on a native claimant to prove that he has customary rights to any land against a presumption that the land belongs to the State. In 1998, to pave the way for extinguishment or compulsory acquisition of land, the mechanisms for assessment and payment of compensation were put in place.
The most comprehensive set of amendments were those set out in the Land Code (Amendment) Ordinance 2000. This included a definition of ‘native rights’ which was curiously missing in earlier legislation. Section 7A(1) streamlines ‘native rights’ into three categories; namely:
• rights lawfully created pursuant to Section 5(1) or (2);
• rights and privileges over any Native Communal Reserve under Section 6(1); and
• rights within a kampung reserve (Section 7).
The 2000 amendment harmonised the processes and procedures relating to Native Customary Land with those relating to other types of alienated land in respect of the resumption of land and the adjudication of payable compensation for termination of rights. It also provided for the creation of a Registry of Native Rights. Finally (and notably), the amendment deleted ‘any lawful methods’ under Section 5(2)(f), for what Fong (2000) described as the sake of legal certainty and clarity.
Some lawyers have argued that the implicit intention of the legislature in 1958 would have been to make a provision for certain customs and practices not covered by the Land Code (Bian 2000), but which were observed by different groups under their customary laws. The practice of customary land tenure certainly did not cease in 1958 and, as Bian argues, some lands had been acquired through barter exchange or ‘sale’ within communities, or as marriage dowries, which were subsumed under the ‘other lawful methods’. Given the inherent flexibility of adat (Cramb 1989; Sather 1990), and its ability to adapt to demographic and economic changes, Bian’s argument is reasonable.

The restricted concept of native customary rights under Section 5 made it difficult to assert rights under the Land Code after 1958 (Bulan 2000). The line of restriction is not a new phenomenon (Majid Cooke 2002). As Porter commented on the inception of the code, it ‘virtually prohibit[s] the creation of new customary rights’ and the ‘extremely detailed and rigid’ provisions ‘dictated government policy’ (Porter 1967: 83, 99).[7] Fong (2000) argues that the intention of the subsequent amendments was to restrict the methods of creating native customary rights to those stipulated under Section 5.

It is significant, therefore, that in a recent court case, Ian Chin recognised the existence of the Iban pemakai menoa — the area from which its members ‘eat’ (makai) — within which are found their temuda (secondary forest) and the pulau galau (land reserved for communal use).[8] The concept of pemakai menoa goes beyond mere agricultural use and extends to hunting, fishing and living off the produce of the jungle. Ian Chin held that those customary rights had not been expressly abolished by earlier orders or other legislation.
The Court of Appeal overturned the High Court decision on 9 July 2005,[9] holding that there was insufficient proof of occupation by the (Iban) respondents in the disputed area, although they had satisfied the test for native customary rights in the adjacent area. Nonetheless, the Court of Appeal did not disturb the High Court’s finding that the Iban concept of pemakai menoa exists. This is a milestone for native customary rights in Sarawak.

The Court of Appeal endorsed the exposition of the law by the learned judge of the High Court when he argued that the common law respects the pre-existence of rights under native laws or customs and that these rights do not owe their existence to statutes. Legislation is only relevant to determine how many of those native customary rights have been extinguished. It affirmed that the Land Code does not abrogate native customary rights that existed before the passing of that legislation, but held that natives are no longer able to claim new territory without a permit from the Superintendent of Lands and Surveys under Section 10 of the code. It also agreed with the High Court that the rights held under a licence ‘cannot be terminable at will’, for they can only be extinguished in accordance with laws subject to payment of compensation. Any discussion of the development of native customary rights must therefore bear in mind that, despite the provision of Section 5, the native concept of land is broader than the restrictive statutory provisions.
As the state seeks to accelerate land development under its broader ‘politics of development’ (Jitab and Ritchie 1991), the medium that is felt best suited to bring ‘development and progress’ to the natives is estate development. This involves lands which some native groups claim to be their communal lands.
Agricultural Policies and Land Development Schemes
To encourage native smallholders to participate in commercial land development, a series of land development schemes were undertaken from the 1960s to the 1980s. These have been documented by many writers such as Hong (1987), King (1988), Cleary and Eaton (1996), Ngidang (1998) and Majid Cooke (2002).

From 1964 to 1974, land resettlement schemes modeled after the integrated style of development adopted by the Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) of Peninsular Malaysia were introduced and implemented — initially through the Agriculture Department and later (1972–80) through the Sarawak Land Development Board (SLDB). This involved clearing of new land and relocation of natives into resettlement schemes dedicated to the planting of cash crops (Ngidang 1997). Unlike the FELDA schemes, where landless workers were settled on state land, participants in Sarawak were relocated to areas where the local communities were established traditional landowners. The farmers were given loans that they had to repay out of incomes which were crucially dependent on the fluctuations of world commodity prices, and as a result, most were unable to make the repayments. The schemes also lacked the pool of workers and expertise required for their successful implementation (King 1988: 280) and all were eventually abandoned due to management problems (Ngidang 2001).
In 1976, the Sarawak Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority (SALCRA) was established with the object of developing agricultural land in situ (Hong 1987; King 1988: 283). This was a joint venture between the SALCRA and native farmers in which the participating households retained their ownership (Munan 1980; Humen 1981: 95–106). Subject to payment of costs by the owner, large consolidated blocks of land have been planted with cash crops. The SALCRA’s function includes consolidation and rehabilitation of land, and provision of advisers and training facilities in various aspects of farming and land management. When it appears that the participants have acquired the know-how to manage the schemes, the estate should be divided among the households, thus enabling them to obtain a demarcated piece of land to which they will be given a grant in perpetuity. Although there has not been any rationalisation and distribution exercise yet,[10] the eventual obtaining of titles for landowners through their participation appears to be an ideal solution to the problem of modernising agriculture in many native areas. Substantial alienation of land to non-native private companies with commercial interests has been avoided. To some extent, rural–urban migration has also been arrested. However, the success of the scheme is dependent on continued government funding.

Parallel to the SALCRA, the Land Consolidation and Development Authority (LCDA) was set up in 1981 to promote the development of both agricultural and non-agricultural projects. The LCDA has powers to acquire both state-controlled land and Native Customary Land for private estate development. It has powers to act as an intermediary between landowners and corporations so that private investors can be invited to participate in land development subject to allocation of shares in the relevant companies. The Land Code was amended in 1988 and 1990 to allow corporations, including foreign companies, to purchase land, including Native Customary Land, for this kind of development.
The formation of the LCDA was a further step in government involvement in large-scale land development as it became an agency and a conduit to ‘harness private capital for developing the land as estates’ (Sarawak Government 1997). This paved the way for the introduction of the joint venture company (JVC).

The New Model: Joint Venture Companies
The concept of the joint venture is premised on the assumption that Native Customary Land, which is now unorganised and fragmented, can be turned into an economic asset through the creation of a Native Customary Land Bank. Once pooled, it is assumed that large-scale plantation development and optimum returns can be realised. It is also assumed that large areas of Native Customary Land are attractive and viable for private investment.
As a prerequisite, there should be contiguous blocks of land of not less than 5000 hectares, which may cover land spanning the territorial domain of several longhouse communities. To date, the SLDB and the LCDA have been appointed as managing agents. Every landowner has to sign a trust deed to assign to the government agency all their respective rights, interests, shares and estate in the land. The government agency will then enter into the joint venture with the private corporation. When an area is marked for commercial development, the Minister may declare that area of land as a Development Area under Section 11 of the Land Consolidation and Development Authority Ordinance 1981, and the land will be classified as Native Area Land under Section 9(c) of the Land Code.[11] A perimeter survey using the global positioning system is carried out by the JVC to determine the size of the area. One title will be issued to the JVC for a period of 60 years (two plantation cycles) for an agreed value. The owners have to agree amongst themselves to determine the approximate sizes of their landholdings, and their names are then to be listed in the appendix of the trust deed. Under Section 18 of the Land Code,[12] the Superintendent of Lands and Survey may issue a lease over any land within a Development Area[13] for a term of not more than 60 years to a body corporate approved by the Minister. All adjoining land may be amalgamated.
In consideration for the use (or lease) of Native Customary Land, the JVC will issue to the trustee shares in the JVC credited as fully paid, equivalent to 60 per cent of the value of the said land, representing 30 per cent of the issued and paid up capital of the JVC. The value has been pegged at RM1200.00 per hectare. The JVC will pay to the trustee the equivalent balance of 40 per cent of the said land value. Out of that sum, 30 per cent will be invested in government-approved unit trusts and 10 per cent will be paid to the landowners.

In terms of equity ratio, the trustee will pay cash for 10 per cent of the issued share capital and the private company developer will pay cash for its 60 per cent share, while the landowners’ equity of 30 per cent in the JVC will be paid through the land value. The said land may only be used for agricultural purposes, and the JVC cannot deal with or charge the land as security for loans to implement the project without the prior approval of the Minister.

Upon expiry of the term of the title, the customary landowners shall decide either to renew the title in favour of the JVC or request for the land to be alienated to themselves or to another company or another entity nominated by them in writing. In the event that the customary landowners are desirous to have the land subdivided and alienated to them individually, the JVC is empowered to undertake a survey of the land and to determine the most equitable and fair manner of subdivision, having due regard to the extent of each of the landowners’ interest in the land. This is the stage at which the distribution and allotment of shares may be problematic because of uncertainty about the size of people’s shares in the land.

Two pioneer schemes have been developed as pilot projects in the Baram and Kanowit districts (Ngidang 1997: 75; Songan and Sindang 2000: 251) with varying responses from the participants. Many people participated in the projects without a full understanding of what such alien concepts as the trust, a joint venture, or shares in a company entailed.[14] This could give rise to the question of whether there has been effective consultation and informed consent on the part of the participants.
The next section discusses traditional rules relating to trusts and trustees, considers how those principles are applied in the JVC arrangement for development of Native Customary Land, and looks at possible remedies for landowners in the event of any breach.

The Trust and Protection of Property
The trust has tremendous utility because it is flexible and easy to create. It is usually set up for the purpose of ‘the management of wealth’, where property may be put on trust for an individual, an infant, a person of unsound mind or a group (Hayton 1998).

The modern trust evolved as a response of equity to the shortcomings and the rigid formalities of the common law. The trust was originally used to protect landowners who had transferred their land to another on the understanding that the transferee was to hold and administer the affairs relating to the land for the benefit of the transferor’s family.
There would be no problem where the transferee kept his word, but when the transferee broke his promise, misused or administered the land for his own benefit, the question of rights and remedies would arise. Common law only recognises the ownership of the legal owner. In case of a breach, there would be no legal redress for the transferor and his family. The concept of the trust was a developed as a way of requiring the friend to fulfill his promise, on the basis that it was unconscionable for him to claim the land for himself. In other words, equity imposed a trust on the transferee, called the trustee, to hold the property for the benefit of the beneficiaries.
The reliance placed on the transferee to deal with the property for the benefit of the beneficiary gave rise to a relationship of confidence or a fiduciary relationship. The transferee could not deal with the property in a way that would conflict with the interest of the transferor or the equitable owner.

Today the trust has become a valuable device in commercial and financial dealings where the fundamental principles of equity that were originally formulated apply as much to commercial trusts as they do to the traditional trusts.

The Nature of the Trust
The significant feature of the trust is the dual ownership of the trustee (legal ownership) and the beneficiary (equitable ownership). There are four essential elements of a trust under ordinary principles of law:
1. There must be a trustee or somebody who holds the trust property.
2. There must be property, whether land or money, that is capable of being held on trust.
3. There must be an ascertained beneficiary or beneficiaries who could enforce their rights.
4. The trustee is under a personal (equitable) obligation to deal with the property for the benefit of the beneficiaries.
In 1840, Lord Langdale laid down three certainties in the creation of a trust, namely: the person establishing the trust (the settlor) must demonstrate a clear intention to create a trust; the subject matter (the beneficial interest) is clearly identified; and the beneficiaries as well as the quantum of entitlement must be certain.

Uncertainty of intention will cause the trust to fail, and the person on whom the gift is bestowed will take the gift absolutely unhampered by the trust. If the subject matter is not certain, no trust is created. It may be, however, that the property itself is certain but the beneficial shares are not. Unless the trustees have discretion to determine the amounts, the trust will fail and the property springs back to the settlor on a resulting trust (Martin 1997: 93). The beneficiaries of the trust must also be ascertainable, otherwise a trust would fail for uncertainty and the property reverts to the settlor (Hayton 1998: 82).

Apart from these three certainties, no rigid formalities are required. In Peninsular Malaysia, a trust concerning any property, including land and equitable interest in land, need not be in writing provided the words used in the transaction show a clear and unequivocal intention to create a trust.[15] In Sarawak, however, a declaration of trust in respect of any interest in land, whether legal or equitable, must be in writing signed by a person who is able to declare the trust or by his will.[16]

The Trust and Native Customary Land Development
This ‘new model’ JVC is a type of development trust which is a ‘facilitative commercial trust’ (Bryan 2001). Creating a trust circumvents the requirements for a person or persons to be a party to the contract in order to enforce it. A third party cannot enforce the contract but he may enforce a trust even though he was not party to it. The beneficiaries include persons whose names appear in the appendix of the trust deed, their respective heirs, successors in titles, executors, administrators, personal representatives, trustees and any other person claiming title or interest in the name or on behalf of the native customary owners.

The trust also does away with the need to get into a partnership that will require the parties to contribute equally in order to share equally in the profits (Ladbury 1987). Most native landowners do not have the financial means to develop the land, so vesting the land in trustees is arguably one of the most appropriate mechanisms that can be used. Be that as it may, the intrinsic nature of native customary rights could give rise to problems peculiar to this kind of trust.

The JVC and the Nature of the Beneficiaries’ Interests
The terms of the trust deed presume that the native customary owners have acquired the rights through one of the means prescribed under Sections 5(2), 7A, 7B or 7C, or had obtained a permit under Section 10, of the Land Code , or that there is evidence or records kept by the Land Office pertaining to the land, so that a registrable document of title may be issued in favour of the company.

This arrangement is different from some property development ventures which are financed through the marketing of shares in land trusts where the shares have clear proportions. In this case, while the beneficiaries may be entitled to the land as set out in the appendix of the trust deed, their respective interests, rights, and shares are undivided. With one master title, the owners cannot apply for subdivision for as long as the company is the registered proprietor.

Applying the traditional requirements of certainty, there is no exhaustive listing of all beneficiaries entitled under customary law. The question in this case is: could the trust be challenged as void for uncertainty of objects? If so, who is responsible to ensure that the land reverts to the owners? And finally, what are the powers of the trustees?

General Powers and Duties of Trustees
The trustee’s powers are provided for by the trust deed, although general statutory powers are also provided by the Trustee Act 1949. The powers of a trustee are facilitative, enabling a trustee to act in a certain way but leaving the discretion to him as to whether to so act. Duties, on the other hand, are imperative. They compel or prohibit a trustee from acting in a certain way, failing which he may be liable for breach of duty.
The general powers of trustees under the Trustee Act include the powers to compound liabilities, to settle claims and to give receipts, to fix the value of trust property, to concur with co-owners of land in disposing of trust property, and to insure trust property.

The trustee cannot put himself in a position where there is a conflict of interest, nor can he profit from his position without authorisation by the trust deed or consent of the beneficiaries. It is his duty to administer the trust honestly and impartially for the benefit of the beneficiaries, to account to the beneficiaries and to distribute the income to those entitled to it.

A breach of duty may result in a claim by the beneficiaries. Any loss caused by the trustee or trustees wrongfully disposing of the assets or any diminution in the value of the trust fund may have to be borne by the trustees. The same liability may be imposed on a trust corporation, although the standard of care and business prudence expected of a trust corporation is higher than that of an ordinary trustee, particularly where it holds itself out as capable of providing certain expertise which cannot be provided by an ordinary prudent man. The reasonable standard of care is one for the courts to decide based on the facts of the case.
Underlying these powers and duties is the fiduciary obligation of the trustee to the beneficiary.

The Fiduciary Relationship and its Ramifications
The word 'fiduciary' comes from the Latin fiducia meaning ‘trust’. Inherent in the nature of the fiduciary relationship is one party’s position of disadvantage or vulnerability which causes him to place reliance upon another and requires the protection of equity in acting upon the conscience of that other. It is important to determine whether a fiduciary relationship exists and, if so, whether any remedy is available in case of any breach of that fiduciary obligation.
The relationship between a trustee and the beneficiaries has been called the ‘archetypal’ fiduciary relationship.[17] It is an established principle that the trustee must not use his position to make a gain for himself. This has been extended to apply generally to all cases where one person stands in a position of influence over another, enabling the court to intervene in circumstances where the person occupying a position of trust or confidence took improper advantage of that position. The question is: would these principles of fiduciary duty apply to a government and its agencies?

Dal Pont and Chalmers (1996: 118) argue that the government, like a trustee, is concerned with the control and distribution of wealth. Having been sourced from the people, the exercise of a government’s power to affect the interests of its people is subject to an obligation to deal with this wealth for the benefit of its people. In this respect, the people can be characterised as ‘beneficiaries’ of the trust established by the conferral of their authority on the government to act on its behalf (Finn 1994: 45). The fiduciary duty that binds the Crown is similar to the duty that a constructive trustee owes to a beneficiary, which entails a duty not to compromise the beneficiary’s interest in transactions with third parties.

The highest courts in the United States, Canada, New Zealand and, to some extent, Australia have recognised the existence of a fiduciary relationship between the government and aboriginal persons. The issue of fiduciary obligation towards aboriginal people has also arisen in Malaysia. In one recent case,[18] the federal and state governments were both said to have owed a fiduciary duty to the Orang Asli (aborigines) of Peninsula Malaysia to protect them from unscrupulous exploitation and to safeguard their tribal organisation and way of life. That duty emanates from Article 8(5) of the Federal Constitution. This was affirmed by the Court of Appeal in 2005.

In the case of natives in Sarawak, Article 153 of the Federal Constitution also imposes a fiduciary obligation on the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) to protect the interests of the natives of Sarawak and Sabah. Further preferential treatment as regards alienation of land by the state is contained in Article 161A(5), while protection of native law and custom is also enshrined under Article 150(6A), Clause 5.[19] Clearly, there is legal recognition that natives are especially vulnerable to the power of government, and this justifies their preferential treatment. For natives in Sarawak, this is a reflection of the Brooke government’s belief that Sarawak ‘is the heritage’ of its people and that land is their ‘lifeblood’. In the ‘Nine Cardinal Principles of the Rule of the English Rajahs’, the government held itself as ‘trustee’ of the people and policies for protection of native interests against outside exploitation were put in place.[20]

The state’s fiduciary duty also arises because of the inalienability of the property. The state’s power to impair native customary rights by way of alienation, and the fact that such rights are inalienable except to another native or by surrender to the state, gives rise to a fiduciary obligation on the state. The fiduciary obligation protects those rights so that they cannot be terminated without involving, informing, consulting and negotiating with the customary right holders in good faith, minimising the impact and detriment on the affected parties. It is imperative for the government to deal with the property surrendered to it with utmost good faith.

This means that, when native customary landowners surrender their rights to the LCDA as trustees, there is a clear fiduciary duty to protect the rights of the vulnerable right holders. A government agency that takes on the duties of a trustee under a commercial arrangement becomes a ‘trustees twice over’ (Finn 1992: 243), particularly where the vulnerable landowners depend on it to negotiate the best terms on their behalf (Lehane 1985: 98).
In the present JVC model, the relationship between the corporate developer and government agency (trustee) is contractual. Does a fiduciary relationship exist between them? It is suggested that the mutual confidence between the JVC and the LCDA (or its agents), in appropriate circumstances, does not exclude the possibility of a fiduciary relationship.

The Malaysian Federal Court has already held that the relationship between parties in a joint venture agreement is a fiduciary relationship.[21] Thus, if a right is not sustainable in breach of contract, there may be an avenue in equity where there is a breach of the fiduciary obligation.[22]
Breach of Trust and Remedies of Beneficiaries
What remedies are available to beneficiaries should there be any unauthorised act or in case of a breach?
At the core of the trust concept is also a right of the beneficiaries to make the trustees accountable to the trust and to ensure that they act within the terms of the trust deed. The remedy for the breach of a fiduciary duty includes declaration of rights or a claim in damages and compensation.

Beneficiaries have a right to have the trust property invested in a way that will keep a balance between them. They have a ‘policing’ right, to see the trust accounts from time to time, and to require the trustees to make good any breach of trust. While trustees are not bound to give reasons in exercising their discretion, the absence of reasons could create a presumptive case that a trustee’s discretion has been miscarried or was not exercised upon real, sound and genuine consideration. Beneficiaries may also apply for an injunction to restrain a fiduciary from acting in a way that is detrimental to the trust.

The issue takes on a different angle where the trustee is a government agency. Section 29(1) and (2) of the Government Proceedings Ordinance 1956 debars an injunction being granted against a government or an officer of the state. An order for the preservation of property may be made if the plaintiff can show that irreparable damage not compensatable by damages would be caused. Despite the nomenclature, if the effect is the same as that of an injunction, it will not be granted. Thus, while it is open for claimants to take legal action to prove their claims, very few natives have the means to sustain such actions.

Questions of Proof and Reversion of Land
A fundamental aspect of the JVC is that native customary ‘owners’ become joint venture partners without having to provide financial capital. This means that ‘their equity in the joint ventures would be based on the area of their land; and the irresistible part of it all is that their land would be returned to them when the government has no more use for it’ (Jitab with Ritchie 1991: 66). To what extent can the beneficiaries be assured of the reversion of the Native Customary Land? The issue is not that ‘the government will not cheat its own people’; rather, the problem lies in the discharging of the onerous burden of proof that is on the claimant.

Since Native Customary Lands are not individually surveyed, there are latent uncertainties in terms of the specific shares in the land. At the expiration of 60 years, persons who have surrendered their rights may no longer be alive. This could cause problems for the successors unless they can work out a clear system of partition and inheritance of the land. If the native claimants are not able to settle their claims among themselves, there is a possibility and danger of them losing their rights to the legal owner who has a registered (master) title to the land.
The new Section 7A of the Land Code provides for registration of Native Customary Land but does not provide indefeasibility of title. In Fong’s words, it is treated merely as an acknowledgement of a claim to the land until the contrary is proved,[23] a certification to a right, and not a ‘proprietary right in land’. The onus of proving an interest remains on a native claimant.[24] The problem reverts to the question of the restrictive provisions under Section 5 and the clash between statute and native concepts of land.[25]

The commonly deployed method of determining the existence of native customary rights over a parcel of land is aerial photographs taken prior to 1 January 1958. However, these may not be available, and the claimant then has to show alternative physical evidence of occupation before 1958, or else show records of permits, which are virtually non-existent. Thus, upon amalgamation of all the contiguous lands by the Director of Lands and Surveys, land that is vested in the trustee becomes the legal property of the agency with no compensation paid to the claimant. With no payment of compensation at the point of amalgamation, is the amalgamation tantamount to summary taking of land without compensation?

One possible way to avoid this problem may be to survey the land and grant individual titles to the owners at the point of their joining the scheme. This would ensure that persons who join the scheme know their specific share and are able to stake a claim at the expiration of the 60-year provisional lease period. Before such a survey can be carried out, such rights must be fully investigated, demarcated and recorded before titles can be issued to replace the customary tenure (Goh 1969: 4). It has been argued that a full-scale statewide registration of native interests over land would be a time-consuming, tedious and costly operation (Fong 2000). However, in specific projects such as this, the advantages of a proper survey being done prior to implementation cannot be understated.
A prior grant of title to claimants would best serve the interest of the vulnerable owners and the sense of security would be an incentive for participation. It would go a long way in improving the implementation of Native Customary Land development (Songan and Sindang 2000: 251). With the passing of the Land Surveyors Ordinance 2002, the combined effect of Sections 20 and 23 entail that a person who is not a licensed surveyor cannot make, authorise or sign any cadastral map. Since map making by the communities themselves could be an offence, it is imperative that the authorities take steps to survey the land for the natives.

Concluding Remarks
The caution in commercial joint ventures is that, all too often, when there is no more money in the venture, it is easy for parties to forget their contractual obligations and the vulnerable parties often suffer. As an active sponsor of these schemes, it is all the more pertinent for the government to provide some kind of a guarantee that Native Customary Land will revert to the owners at the end of the venture. Similarly, in the event that a JVC withdraws without completing its job, is there some form of a guarantee the native customary owners will be adequately compensated?
Arguably the government’s fiduciary obligation may be said to go beyond a mere commercial arrangement to become ‘trustees twice over’, based as it is on the customary owners’ trust and confidence in the government. Perhaps there is scope here for application of Lord Browne-Wilkinson’s (1995) caution ‘that equity principles must follow developments in commercial law for commercial expediency, but such application has to be both thoughtful and sensitive’. What has been developed as an instrument to defeat unconscionable conduct should not ironically become the very instrument that defeats the rights of those that it purports to protect.